Mar 19 2024

Unanimous Supreme Court rules that no-fly case can go forward

In a unanimous 9-0 decision announced today,  the US Supreme Court has ruled that a lawsuit brought by Yonas Fikre challenging the US government’s placing him on its no-fly list can go forward even though the government has, for the time being (and only after he sued), taken him off its travel blacklist.

Mr. Fikre is a US citizen who was put on the US government’s “no-fly” list while he was traveling overseas, in order to pressure him to become an informer working for the FBI to spy on members of a mosque he had attended back home in Portland, OR. As a result of being unable to return to the US, he was eventually arrested (at the behind-the-scenes instigation of the US, he plausibly claims) for overstaying his visa, tortured and further interrogated (also at the behest of the US, he claims, also plausibly), and again told he could be removed from the no-fly list — and thus allowed to be released from immigration detention and deported to the US — if he became an FBI informer.

The Supreme Court’s unanimous decision is narrow but important. The government has never, so far as we can tell, actually tried to defend any of its no-fly decisions and orders in court. Instead, the government has tried to avoid judicial review of either its decision-making procedures (as the Supreme Court notes in its opinion today, “no statute or publicly promulgated regulation describes the standards the government employs when adding individuals to, or removing them from, the list”) or the substantive outcomes (a striking pattern, publicly-revealed when the list was leaked, of anti-Muslim bigotry).

The government’s two-prong strategy for avoiding judicial review has been to argue that the evidentiary basis (if any) for no-fly decisions is a state secret that can’t be disclosed even to judges, much less the subjects of no-fly orders, and to try to render the remaining cases “moot” by taking those who lawyer up and sue off the blacklist before their cases can come to trial, as it did with Mr. Fikre once he was back in the US.

The Supreme Court’s decision today deals solely with the “mootness” issue. So little has been revealed about the government’s  actions in putting Mr. Fikre on, and later off, the no-fly list that there is no basis for confidence that the government actions that he complained of in his lawsuit won’t recur if the case is dismissed.

The unanimous opinion, written by Justice Gorsuch, didn’t reach the question of classified or “privileged” information or “state secrets”. Those issues remain to be addressed as the case proceeds on remand in the U.S. District Court for the District of Oregon. Justice Alito, joined by Justice Kavanaugh, filed a concurring opinion agreeing with the judgment that the case was not moot, but stressing that they “do not understand the Court’s opinion to require the Government to disclose classified information as a matter of course” and that it might be possible to decide the case on the basis of unclassified evidence.

Gadeir Abbas, the lawyer for the Council on American Islamic Relations (CAIR) who argued Mr. Fikre’s case before the Supreme Court, said after today’s decision was announced, “The FBI cannot place innocent Muslims on the No Fly List, only to then block that unconstitutional list from scrutiny by removing those Muslims whenever they file a lawsuit.”

We congratulate Mr. Fikre and his lawyers for standing up for all blacklisted Americans. Fifteen years after he was blacklisted by his government and ten years after he filed his lawsuit, Mr. Fikre is still a long way from a trial or a ruling on the merits of his case. Today’s ruling is a step toward justice, but shouldn’t be misunderstood as meaning that “the system works” or that Mr. Fikre has been “given his day in court”.

We wish Mr. Fikre and his lawyers all success on remand in the District Court in Portland.

Mar 18 2024

Buses, trains, and US domestic travel without ID

In our previous article, we looked at the state of ID requirements and the the right to international travel for U.S. citizens.

What about domestic travel within the USA without ID?

Flying? Domestic US airline passengers are subject to demands for ID by airlines and the TSA. These demands are of dubious validity, and have arbitrary secret exceptions. Many people fly without ID every day. But not everyone is able or willing to challenge these authoritative-seeming demands for ID to fly.

Driving? States that choose to participate in the national REAL-ID system are making it harder and harder to get driver’s licenses or state IDs. It’s easier for a US citizen to get a passport or passport card than to get a driver’s license in some states. But you can’t legally drive in the US without a driver’s license issued by a state, US territory, or foreign government.

Unless you walk, ride a horse or bicycle, or get a ride in a car driven by someone else, that leaves buses and trains as the primary modes of long-distance travel for people in the U.S. without ID.

Can you take a long-distance bus or train in the US without ID? And if not, what could or should be done to guarantee that right? Read More

Mar 08 2024

US passports and freedom of international travel

As we mark twenty years since the creation of this website for the Identity Project, perhaps it’s time to assess the state of freedom of movement in the USA and for US citizens.

We’ve been reporting, in more detail than anyone else, on changes in policies and practices that affect our right to travel freely. But sometimes the big picture can get lost in the details. Incremental changes can be more significant, in the long term and in the aggregate, than might be apparent  if we focus on any single step along the way.

Travel is restricted by (1) requirements to have, carry, and show ID to cross international borders or travel by common carrier; (2) restrictions on issuance of passports, driver’s, licenses, and state IDs used or needed for travel; and (3) ID-linked blacklists and controls that allow travel only by government permission and restrict who is given permission to travel.

These mechanisms for control of movement operate differently for international travel than they do for movement within the USA.

Let’s look first at U.S. passports and international travel. (We’ll look at domestic travel within the U.S without ID, or without Federally-approved ID, in later articles.)

Can a US citizen travel internationally without a passport? Do they have a right to a passport — and if not, which US citizens can and can’t get a US passport? What is the legal basis for these restrictions, or what would be the legal basis for challenging them?

Read More

Feb 16 2024

FOIA follies at the State Department

It’s sometimes hard to say which Federal agency does the worst job or displays the most bad faith in responding (or not responding) to Freedom Of Information Act requests.

But the latest actions by the FOIA office of the Department of State certainly place near the top of our all-time scorecard of FOIA follies.

In the past, our worst FOIA experiences have been predominantly with the Transportation Security Administration (TSA) and other components of the Department of Homeland security (DHS). There was the time the TSA’s Chief Privacy [sic] Officer circulated libelous statements about us to the FOIA offices of all DHS components, in the hope of influencing them not to take us or our requests seriously, and then the TSA FOIA office tried to hide this misconduct from us by illegally redacting the libelous lines from the versions of their internal email messages that they released to us. We found out only when another staff person accidentally sent us an unredacted copy of the incriminating TSA email.

For more than a decade, the TSA FOIA office has included knowingly false bad-faith boilerplate in every letter or email message it sends about any FOIA request, claiming that “This office can be reached at 571-227-2300”. That same number and a toll-free number that goes to the same line, 866-364-2872, are the only phone numbers listed on the FOIA section of the TSA’s website or on FOIA.gov. But as anyone can easily verify, that number is answered by an automated system of recorded messages with no option even to leave a voicemail message, much less to reach any human being. The recording played at that number begins, “This phone line is not staffed by FOIA employees.” It’s impossible to contact the FOIA office, or to contact anyone, at that number.

The recorded phone messages advise FOIA requesters to contact the TSA FOIA office by email, but our email messages to that office are rarely answered. It’s unclear if they are received and ignored, or not received at all. If your email to the TSA FOIA office is filtered out as spam, there’s no way to know, or to follow up by phone. When we wrote to the TSA’s FOIA Public Liaison about this, at the address in their letters and on their website, by certified mail, return receipt requested, our letter was returned marked “Vacant. Unable to Forward.”

So what has the State Department done to rival the TSA’s record of FOIA bad faith?

The saga begins at some unknown date more than a decade ago, when the State Department began singling out some arbitrarily selected subset of disfavored applicants for U.S. passports and illegally demanding that they fill out a bizarre supplemental “long form” passport application asking  questions such in what church they were baptized, every address at which they had ever lived, and every employer for which they had worked. (Imagine trying to fill that out if you worked as a day laborer.)

The selective imposition of a deliberately more difficult questionnaire for some applicants is disturbingly reminiscent of the “Jim Crow” practice of selectively requiring African-American applicants for voter registration to answer a more difficult version of a literacy or civics questionnaire.

The Paperwork Reduction Act requires that all forms like this be approved by the Office of Management and Budget before members of the public can be required to fill them out, but the State Department never submitted this passport form to OMB.

In 2011, however, the State Department asked OMB to approve an even longer supplemental “long form” for certain applicants for U.S. passports, adding questions such as your mother’s address one year prior to your birth, the dates of each of your mother’s pre-natal medical appointments, a complete list of everyone who was in the room when you were born, and whether (and if so in what circumstances) you were circumcised.

We filed a FOIA request in April 2011 with the State Department to find out how long this and similar unapproved forms had been in use, how many passport applicants had been singled out for this second-class treatment, and how they were selected.

In July of 2011, we filed another FOIA request to find out what had happened to our unanswered complaints of human rights violations by the State Department, including those related to passport issuance and requirements.

Read More

Jan 23 2024

IDs and mug shots now required from all corporate principals

This month the Financial Crimes Enforcement Network (FINCEN) division of the Department of the Treasury began collecting copies of passports, drivers licenses, and other ID documents submitted by officers and owners of all sorts of companies.

In  other words, you now have to have a government-issued ID and provide an image of it, probably including your photo, to the Federal government in order to establish, serve as an executive of, or hold a major interest in almost any type of corporation, LLC, partnership, trust, etc. (with some odd and irrational exceptions).

Read More

Jan 08 2024

Supreme Court hears arguments in “No-Fly” case

Gadeir Abbas speaking in front of the steps of the US Supreme Court

[CAIR Senior Litigation Attorney Gadeir Abbas speaks to press conference in front of the U.S. Supreme Court following oral argument in FBI v. Fikre.]

Today the US Supreme Court heard more than an hour of oral argument (transcript, MP3 audio) in the case of FBI v. Fikre, the latest in a series of cases in which the government has tried to avoid having a judge or jury review the criteria, procedures, and factual basis (if any) for no-fly decisions by removing previously blacklisted people from the no-fly list after they sue the government, and then asking courts to dismiss their lawsuits as “moot”.

In order to get such a complaint dismissed as “moot”, the government has the burden of showing that “subsequent events made it absolutely clear that the allegedly wrongful behavior could not reasonably be expected to recur”, according to the District Court.

Inquiring minds on the Supreme Court wanted to know how the government could meet that burden — or whether it could ever do so — without disclosing the basis for the initial no-fly decision and/or what changes had been made to no-fly decision-making criteria or procedures.

Several Justices expressed “sympathy” with the government, but concern for due process:

Justice Gorsuch, for example, wanted to know why the government wouldn’t even tell a judge in a “Sensitive Compartmented Information Facility” (and maybe the plaintiff’s lawyer, if the government would give them a security clearance) anything about a no-fly decision:

Read More

Jan 03 2024

“No-Fly” case to be argued Jan. 8th in the Supreme Court

The U.S. Supreme Court will hear oral argument this Monday, January 8, 2024 on an appeal brought by the FBI challenging a Circuit Court decision in favor of Yonas Fikre. It’s the second case on the Supreme Court’s 10 a.m. EST calendar for oral argument Monday.

You can listen live online, attend a live watch party in DC if you can’t get into the Supreme Court, or listen to recorded audio that should be posted by the end of the day on Monday.

The complete Supreme Court docket and links to the pleadings in FBI v. Fikre are here.

The question presented to the Supreme Court in this case doesn’t directly address what substantive criteria or procedures are Constitutionally required for the government to order common carriers not to transport an otherwise-qualified U.S. citizen. A separate challenge to the entirety of the blacklisting system remains pending in U.S. District Court in Boston.

But this case in the Supreme Court does address one of the government’s standard tactics for evading judicial review of its blacklisting decisions: taking people who sue the government off blacklists to “moot” their cases if it looks like they might have a chance of getting a court to rule on the legality of the government’s procedures or criteria for blacklisting decisions or or the sufficiency of the evidence (if any) against them.

If anyone deserves to have the U.S. government’s decision to put him on its no-fly list reviewed by a judge, it’s Yonas Fikre.

Read More

Dec 26 2023

Congress watches the “watchlists” — but will Congress act?

Earlier this month  CBS News broadcast an in-depth report confirming that more than two million names (up from 1.75 million names in 2019) are now on U.S. government blacklists (euphemistically described as “watchlists”) restricting travel and other rights.

CBS also interviewed some of the U.S. citizens who, without ever being accused of any crime or having their day in court, and for no reason they know or that the government will tell them, have been stopped at gunpoint, delayed, or prevented from flying.

Less than a week later, the Senate Homeland Security and Government  Affairs Committee (HSGAC) released a detailed staff report on the same issue, “Mislabeled as a threat: How the terrorist watchlist & government screening practices impact Americans“.

The Chair of the HSGAC, Sen. Gary Peters (D-MI), also sent a formal request to the Inspectors General of each of the Federal departments that participate in the “Watchlisting Council”,   asking the Inspectors General to “coordinate on an assessment of the full implementation of the Terrorist Screening Dataset.”

“I have heard from my constituents, and in particular my Arab and Muslim American constituents, that they face undue levels of scrutiny and screening atairports, other ports of entry, and in their daily lives, which they believe is the result of their placement on the terrorist watchlist,” Sen. Peters  noted. “Inspectors General have not conducted a coordinated, independent assessment of the full watchlisting enterprise – from the nominations process; to how information is shared, used, and audited; to the redress options available to individuals who may match to the list.”

The same day, five other Senators and eight members of the House of Representatives sent a joint letter about “watchlisting” practices  to the heads of the Department of Justice, FBI, Department of Homeland Security, Transportation Security Administration, U.S. Customs and Border Protection, and several other agencies.

The joint letter asks for answers “no later than January 9, 2024” to a long list of questions about how many people are on U.S. government watchlists, how many have been added and removed, what procedures have been followed, what data has been collected or purchased about these people,  what if any redress is available to them, and what the criteria for adding names are supposed to be. “Beyond the spouses and children of individuals on the watchlist, what other categories of ‘non-terrorists’ may be included as exceptions to the reasonable suspicion standard for placement on the watchlist?”

We’re pleased that members of Congress are asking increasingly pointed questions about the U.S. government’s system of secret, arbitrary, extrajudicial blacklists.

But asking questions isn’t enough. What’s needed from Congress is legislative action.

We hope that members of Congress don’t stop at “making inquiries” or “demanding answers”.  There’s ample evidence already that the watchlisting/blacklisting system is out of control. It’s up to Congress to bring that system under control by enacting legislation restoring the rule of law to decision-making about who is allowed to exercise their rights.

If members on Congress want to do something about the problem of travel blacklists, not just talk about it, a good way to start would be to reintroduce and bring to a vote the Freedom to Travel Act, which was introduced in 2021 but never got a hearing or a vote.

Nov 30 2023

Senate bill introduced to ban TSA use of facial recognition in airports

Six US Senators led by Sen. Jeff Merkley (D-OR) and Sen. John Kennedy (R-LA) have introduced a bill to prohibit the Transportation Security Administration (TSA) from using automated facial recognition at airports.

S.3361 the “Traveler Privacy Protection Act of 2023”, was introduced on November 29, 2023 by Sens. Merkley, Kennedy,  Edward Markey (D-MA), Roger Marshall (R-KS), Bernie Sanders (I-VT), and Elizabeth Warren (D-MA).

Introduction of this bill comes more than five years after these and other Senators started to raise questions about whether airline passengers can be, should be, or are already being required to submit to automated facial recognition at airports, despite questionable claims by the TSA that passengers can “opt out” of facial recognition.

We find it notable and praiseworthy that this bill (text of bill as introduced), isn’t an attempt to “regulate” TSA use of automated facial recognition or to bolt on controls on how this surveillance technology or facial images or other data (event logs, etc.) collected by such systems. Rather than imposing regulations, the bill would impose a categorical ban on TSA use of automated facial recognition at airports, at least for now. If this bill is enacted, the TSA would be allowed to use facial recognition technology in airports only if that use is explicitly authorized by new legislation enacted after the passage of the “Traveler Privacy Protection Act of 2023”.

The “Traveler Privacy Protection Act of 2023” would close a significant loophole in current and proposed laws. Other proposals for regulation of facial recognition are pending in Congress, but they exempt the TSA and/or fall short of a categorical ban on use of facial recognition. And Federal preemption of regulation of air travel has given the TSA  impunity from state and local attempts to restrict government use of facial recognition.

The “Traveler Privacy Protection Act of 2023” would do nothing about the use of automated facial recognition by US Customs and Border Protection (CBP) at international airports, but it would create a model for legislation that could also be applied to CBP.

Nov 13 2023

Advance Travel Authorization (ATA) and the “CBP One” app

 

As we’ve discussed before in this blog, and as other human rights advocates have noted, asylum requires traveling to a border. Since you can only apply for asylum after you arrive in a country of refuge, freedom to travel from a place where you are subject to persecution to a country of refuge is a prerequisite for asylum.

But as we have also noted, including in comments earlier this year to the U.N. Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights concerning the rights of migrants, governments including the US government have steadily increased their efforts to undermine the right to asylum by preventing  asylum seekers from traveling to their borders.

The latest step in this direction is the Advance Travel Authorization (ATA) system operated by U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP). Under this program, asylum seekers can request permission through the CBP One mobile app to travel to the US. CBP is already operating this system under a temporary “emergency” authorization from the Office of Management and Budget (OMB), but is seeking OMB approval to make it permanent.

As we explain in comments we submitted today to CBP:

Because the US has no jurisdiction and CBP has no statutory authority over travel by non-US citizens within or between other countries or their departure from other countries, and because whether or not a non-US citizen has requested or been granted “permission” from CBP has no bearing on their right to leave any other country or to travel within or between other countries by common carrier or otherwise, this collection of information is of no practical utility for any lawful activity of CBP or any US agency.

Do asylum seekers need permission from the US government to leave other countries where they are being persecuted, or to travel to the US?

No, they do not, as we explain in our comments to CBP: Read More