Apr 12 2013

TSA shows how interested it really is in public comments on its practices

On March 24th, 20 months after being ordered to do so by a Federal judge, the TSA quietly published a notice in the Federal Register “inviting” the public (that’s you!) to submit comments concering its use of ongoing use of virtual strip-search machines to determine who to subject to “enhanced” groping by checkpoint staff.

Does the TSA really want there to be a public written record of what you think of what it does?

You be the judge. Here’s what has happened.

Obviously, not many people read the entirety of the Federal Register every day. The TSA waited almost two weeks before publishing a notice about the public comment period on its official blog on April 4th.  The TSA News Blog has a copy of that original TSA blog post.

Perhaps realizing that, given a chance, the public might actually tell the TSA what we think, the TSA deleted its blog post.

Then the TSA asked Google to delete its cached copy. Google complied, although government publications are in the public domain so there was no issue of copyright infringement or any other legal basis for the government to require Google to go along with the TSA’s rewriting of its Web history.

Flooded with questions about its attempt to expunge its blog post, and why it wasn’t publicizing the “public notice and comment”, the TSA put up another less informative blog post at 7:39 p.m. Washington time today, on a Friday after the close of business and after most daily news deadlines.

Unlike the original deleted TSA blog post, which at least had one link to the correct docket, the entry published today doesn’t include any direct link to the Notice of Proposed Rulemaking, the docket, the folder containing the supplementary documents and the comments submitted to date, or the page with the form to submit comments. Today’s TSA blog entry doesn’t even mention the name or URL of the domain on which the notice and comment form appear (Regulations.gov) or the docket ID number (TSA-2013-0004) that you have to search for to find any of this information if you don’t have a direct link to the correct docket.

All of which just goes to show how much the TSA fears having members of the public discover this opportunity to put our opinion of the TSA on the public record.

So please, tell the TSA (and the members of Congress, judges, etc. who will later be reading and relying on this record) what you think of its practices:

  • Tell the TSA that travel is a right, not a privilege to be granted or denied by the government.
  • Tell the TSA that searches or other conditions required for the exercise of your right to travel are subject to “strict scrutiny”. The burden of proof is on the TSA to show that they are actually effective for a permissible purpose (not just e.g. to catch drugs, which is not supposed to be the TSA’s job) and that they are the least restrictive alternative that will serve that purpose.
  • Tell the TSA how much it has cost you if you haven’t flown because you find the virtual strip-searches and/or the groping by checkpoint staff intolerable and/or traumatizing.
  • Tell the TSA that its current and proposed “rules” are unconstitutionally vague. You can’t tell what is and isn’t prohibited, or what is and isn’t forbidden, at TSA checkpoints. If there are to be any requirements or prohibitions on what you can and can’t do, the TSA needs to spell them out, publicly, so that you don’t have to get arrested to find out whether something is against the law or not.

You can get more ideas from this discussion we were part of last week on C-SPAN, and our previous article about the TSA’s notice and request for comment.

Don’t be put off by the long form. The only field on the comment form that is actually required appears to be your comment itself. You can type in the form, or attach longer comments as a file.

You can also submit comments by e-mail (to Chawanna.Carrington@tsa.dhs.gov), postal mail (to Chawanna Carrington, Project Manager, Passenger Screening Program, Office of Security Capabilities, Transportation Security Administration, 701 South 12th Street, Arlington, VA 20598-6016) , or fax (to 571-227-1931).

The deadline to submit comments is June 24, 2013.

Apr 11 2013

TSA continues to escape judicial review of “screening” practices

The lawsuit by the Electronic Privacy Information Center (EPIC) which has forced the TSA to allow public “comment” on TSA use of “virtual strip-search machines” (on the basis of a “petition for rulemaking” originally submitted years ago by groups including the Identity Project) is only one of the cases by individuals and organizations seeking to have the TSA’s “screening” practices reviewed by the courts.

Unfortunately, the TSA has still succeeded in avoiding any meaningful judicial review of its actions.

That seems likely to be the outcome of the latest TSA cases to reach U.S. Circuit Courts of Appeals:

Read More

Mar 30 2013

“Travel Surveillance, Traveler Intrusion” at the Cato Institute

Edward Hasbrouck of the Identity Project will be speaking at a free, public forum on Travel Surveillance, Traveler Intrusion from noon-1 p.m. EDT next Tuesday, 2 April 2013, at the Cato Institute in Washington DC (with a live webcast):

Travel Surveillance, Traveler Intrusion

[photo by kind permission of Jeramie D. Scott]

Video from the Cato Institute (recommended)

Video from C-SPAN

C-SPAN video on Youtube

Audio podcast (listen while viewing the slides)

Slides and notes (PDF)

Featuring Edward Hasbrouck, Journalist, Consumer Advocate, Travel Expert, and Consultant, The Identity Project (PapersPlease.org), Author of the book and blog, The Practical Nomad; and Ginger McCall, Director, Open Government Program, Electronic Privacy Information Center; moderated by Jim Harper, Director of Information Policy Studies, Cato Institute.

The United States government practices surprisingly comprehensive surveillance of air travel, amassing data about the comings and goings of all Americans who fly. Travel expert Edward Hasbrouck has been researching travel surveillance for many years. His findings reveal a stunning level of government surveillance, control of the traveler, and intrusion into commercial travel IT systems.

By April 2, the Transportation Security Administration will have begun a public comment process on its policy of putting travelers through imaging machines that can see under their clothes. Ginger McCall of the Electronic Privacy Information Center has been handling the litigation that prompted the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals ruling requiring it to do so, and she will assess the proposed regulation and her renewed efforts to bring the TSA within the law.

If you can’t make it to the Cato Institute, watch this event live online at www.cato.org/live.

The Cato Institute asks that you pre-register if you plan to attend in person, but that’s just so they have an estimate of the expected attendance.

Hasbrouck will be presenting examples of what he found in his files when he sued the DHS for its records of his travels, what other travelers have found in theirs, and how the DHS obtains and uses this information to track us and to control who is allowed to travel.

As part of the same program, Ginger McCall of EPIC will be discussing the TSA’s proposed “rules” to require all air travelers to submit to virtual strip-searches. You have 90 days, until 24 June 2013, to tell them what you think of their proposal. (On the form to submit comments to the TSA, note that all of the fields except your comment itself are optional.) You can find some ideas for what to say in our previous article about the rulemaking.

There will be a live webcast, for those who aren’t in DC.

If you’d like to follow along, you can download the slides from Hasbrouck’s presentation as a PDF file.

[Update: C-SPAN broadcast the event live. Streaming video is available from the Cato Institute event archives (recommended), the C-SPAN archives, or on Youtube. The C-SPAN and Youtube camera angles don’t show the slides which illustrate Hasbrouck’s talk, so we recommend watching the Cato version and/or downloading the slides to follow along with the talk on C-SPAN. If you want to find out what’s in the file about you in the DHS “Automated Targeting System”, you can use the forms here. We would welcome a chance to review the government’s response, if you get one, and help you interpret it.]

Mar 26 2013

TSA proposes new “rules” for virtual strip-search machines

More than 18 months ago, a federal Court of Appeals ordered the TSA to provide formal notice and an opportunity for public comment on its “rules” for when travelers are required to submit to virtual strip-searches by machines that display images of our bodies as though naked.

Today, after seemingly endless foot-dragging that left it unclear if the TSA would ever comply with the court’s order (or would eventually be found in contempt of court for failing to do so), the TSA published its proposed rule in the Federal Register.

You have until June 24, 2013 to tell the TSA what you think of its proposal.

As Jim Harper of the Cato Institute points out, the proposed “rule” contains none of the (inadequate) limitations on the TSA’s virtual strip-search authority which were described in the TSA’s arguments to the Court of Appeals. (We’ll be talking with Jim and Ginger McCall of EPIC about this and related issues of “Travel Surveillance, Traveler Intrusion” at this lunchtime event at Cato in Washington next Tuesday, April 2nd.)

Rather than proposing a rule pursuant to which travelers would be entitled to opt out of the naked imaging (at the price of more intrusive groping of their genitals) , the TSA has proposed a rule in which, in addition to whatever else the TSA secretly defines as constituting “screening” in any particular case, all travelers are required, as a condition of travel by common carrier, to submit to virtual strip-searches whenever the TSA tells them to do so.

But that’s not the only glaring defect in the TSA’s Notice of Proposed Rulemaking. Read More

Mar 25 2013

TSA takes a (small) step in the right direction

Earlier this month, the TSA announced that — although of course there are still no rules for what is and isn’t permitted at TSA checkpoints, travelers can expect that beginning April 25th we will be “permitted” (not entitled, “permitted”, since of course the exercise of our right to travel is at the TSA’s discretion) to bring tiny pocket knives and certain previously-prohibited sporting equipment onto commercial airplanes.

We could criticize the TSA’s press release for not going far enough, and for its arbitrariness. (We’d like to say that it’s a “policy” change, but we can’t, since there are no publicly-disclosed TSA checkpoint polices.)  It’s pretty obvious that it doesn’t reflect any rational risk assessment. Why allow golf clubs, hockey sticks, and pool cues, but prohibit cricket bats?

But lest it be said that we never give credit to the TSA when credit is due: We congratulate the TSA for taking a small step toward saner “screening” practices.

Unfortunately, the TSA’s announcement has prompted a hysterical reaction from the opposite direction, with bills being introduced in both houses of Congress to direct the TSA to seize even the tiniest blades, and to protect us against the hockey-stick-armed terrorist hordes.

Ironically, the TSA defends itself with an argument that could equally be used against virtually all of the TSA’s continuing restrictions on carry-on items:

We have yet to see a single incident where a passenger was injured using a knitting needle or scissors. Small knives have been permitted in Europe for some time now, with no incidents that we are aware of. In fact, the GAO published a report that said there had been zero security incidents where these items had been used aboard an aircraft.

Passengers are allowed to bring bottles of water and many other items prohibited by the TSA onto flights in Europe and the rest of the world. We are aware of no incident in which anyone has tried to blow up or highjack an airliner using a bottle of water as a weapon. So if this is the TSA’s criteria, what is the rationale for the list of items that are still prohibited in carry-on luggage?

The fact is that searches at TSA checkpoints, like most other “administrative” searches, are designed as security theater — to make us feel safer rather than to make us be safer — and for a variety of other law enforcement purposes (mainly seizure of prohibited substances). Not on the basis of aviation security.

Would-be terrorists would have a hard time breaking through reinforced  cockpit doors. Those with adequate cutting tools would probably be subdued (and possibly lynched) by passengers and flight attendants before they could do so. These, and not TSA checkpoints, are the real defenses against the bogeyman of “another 9/11”.

Even the prohibition on firearms on airline flights has more to do with gun control in general than with anything specific to aviation security.  The TSA boasts that it finds loaded guns in carry-on bags every day. Does that suggest that every gun-toting traveler is a terrorist? Or that travelers have been flying with firearms every day for decades, almost entirely without incident?  It’s hard to see how a gun poses more of  a threat on an airliner than, say, in a crowd (or in a car) on a city street, where it’s perfectly legal.

We salute the saner voices among the secret decision-makers who determine the TSA’s secret non-rules. We urge them to stand firm in defense of our right to keep our sewing scissors and pencil-sharpening knives in our carry-on bags, and to resist the pressure to pander further to Congressional fears.

Mar 09 2013

Citizen Long takes the long way home

When last we wrote about Saadiq Long — an Oklahoma native, U.S. citizen, and Air Force veteran — he had been sentenced by the U.S. government, without judge or jury, to life without air travel.

First he was prevented from returning to the U.S. to visit his ailing mother.

Then he was prevented from returning to his wife, child, and job in Qatar.

Why? He doesn’t know, and the U.S. government won’t say.  Airlines refused to allow him to check in for any flights to, from, within, or overflying the U.S., so he infers that the DHS has put him on a “no-fly” lost. But as usual, the U.S. government refuses to confirm or deny any such listing or no-fly order, much less to explain the basis (if any) for it.

Now Mr. Long has made it back to Qatar from Oklahoma, the long way. According to The Oklahomn:

During a telephone interview Friday, Saadiq Long … said he took a bus from Oklahoma City to Mexico, then boarded flights in three different countries to return to Qatar….

“I didn’t have any other choice after the FBI refused to take me off the ‘no-fly’ list,” Long said.

“I have my family here. I have a job here. I had to get back.”

Mr. Long wouldn’t have been able to take a direct flight from Mexico to Europe. Those flights pass through U.S. airspace over Florida. Flights between Mexico and Barcelona and (repeatedly) Paris, for example, have been turned back or diverted when the U.S. found out that they were unwittingly carrying passengers on the U.S. no-fly list.

Most likely Mr. Long had to fly from Mexico to someplace much further southeast such as Buenos Aires, Sao Paulo, or Rio de Janiero; from there to Europe or Dubai; and from there to Qatar.  Or maybe he got really lucky, and got on a Qatar Airways direct flight from Sao Paulo.  But it’s still likely to have taken him days of extra travel time and thousands of dollars extra in airfare, compared to, say, a nonstop flight from Houston to Doha.

Mr. Long’s case is among the violations of the right to freedom of movement which we will be raising with the U.N. Human Rights Committee later this month in Geneva, in preparation for the Committee’s periodic review later this year of U.S. implementation of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.

Mar 02 2013

Travel blogger kicked off plane by pilot for taking photo of… seatback?

Frequent flyer and travel blogger Matthew Klint was recently kicked off a United Airlines flight from Newark to Istanbul after a flight attendant saw him take a picture of the back of the seat in front of him, and reported him to the pilot. The pilot told Mr. Klint, “You are not flying on this flight…. We’ll call the police if we have to.”

Perhaps unfortunately, Mr. Klint didn’t insist that the police be called, or call them himself, leaving him dealing with United Airlines’ public relations department rather than with legal authorities.

As a frequent flyer and blogger, Mr. Klint at least able to get  the airline to talk to him, after the fact. But what can an ordinary traveler do in such a situation?

We talked about this last year in articles on Does an airline pilot have the right to refuse to let you fly? and  What can you do if an airline pilot won’t let you fly? But it bears repeating:

Under Federal law, as common carriers, airlines must transport all would-be passengers willing to pay the applicable fare in their published tariff and comply with their published conditions of carriage. Not to do so is a serious violation of their duties.

If an airline refuses to allow you to fly, for any reason other than a violation of published laws, regulations, or conditions of carriage, you can and should make a formal complaint against the airline to the Department of Transportation.

A pilot can order you off the plane only if the pilot genuinely believes that you pose a hazard to the safe operation of the flight, in which case the pilot is required to log and report this safety incident.

If a pilot orders you off the flight for some other reason, or without logging and reporting his or her action as a safety incident, you can and should report the pilot to the FAA.

We’ve offered our support to Mr. Klint, should he wish to pursue a legal challenge to the actions of the airline and pilot against him.

Feb 15 2013

“Sentenced to life without air travel”

Last year, we reported on the case of Saadiq Long, an Oklahoma native and U.S. Air Force veteran who was stranded in Qatar for six monthes, unable to return home because for unknown reasons he had been placed on a “no-fly” list, and all airlines serving the U.S. had been forbidden to transport him, on the basis of some secret allegedly-derogatory information provided by some unknown government agency that had “nominated” him for this latest version of the U.S. government’s  “enemies list”.

Eventually, in the face of public hue and cry, the FBI relented (temporarily, it turns out) and allowed Mr. Long to return to Oklahoma to spend Thanksgiving with his critically ill mother.

Happy ending to a sad story? No.

Mr. Long’s attorney, Gadeir Abbas of CAIR, who has led the legal fight against U.S. government “no-fly” orders, has an update this week in an op-ed article in the Oklahoman, the state’s newspaper of record:

Mr. Long has been living and working (for U.S. military contractors among other clients) in Qatar, where his wife and daughter remained while he went back to the U.S. for the holidays. But after letting him come home, the U.S. government has now put him back on the “no-fly” list, and won’t let him leave the country:

What’s most alarming about Saadiq’s ordeal is that the FBI will never have to explain its actions. When it comes to separating Saadiq — and many others — from family via its ever-growing and always secret watch lists, the FBI is judge, jury and executioner. Saadiq hasn’t been indicted, charged or convicted of any crime. And yet the FBI has claimed for itself the power to impose permanent punishment upon Saadiq: life without air travel. If FBI agents can impose this sentence on Saadiq, they can do the same to any of us.

Feb 04 2013

Update on Mocek v. Albuerque

On January 14, 2013, U.S. District Judge James O. Browning issued his first major ruling in Mocek v. Albuquerque, the Federal civil rights lawsuit brought for false arrest at a TSA checkpoint brought by Philip Mocek following his acquittal by a jury on trumped-up criminal charges.

Judge Browning dismissed Mr. Mocek’s complaints against the Federal (TSA) defendants.  The reasoning of that ruling is in marked conflict with several findings on the same issues by the 4th Circuit Court of Appeals in Tobey v. Jones, although that decision isn’t binding on the District Court hearing Mr. Mocek’s case since it’s in a different Federal judicial circuit.

According to the Albuquerque Journal, “Mary Lou Boelcke, Mocek’s attorney, said she expects to appeal the ruling, either before trial or after Browning decides other issues regarding the city.”

On February 1, 2013, the remaining Albuquerque defendants (the city, airport, and individual police officers) filed their own motion to dismiss the complaints against them.  That motion is now pending.

Jan 22 2013

TSA replaces “probable cause” with private profiling

The TSA has made explicit its intent to take the next logical but lawless step in the merger of (1) profiling of travelers and (2) privatization of judicial decision-making: outsourcing of decisions as to who should be subjected to what degree of intrusiveness of search to private contractors acting on the basis of commercial data.

The TSA already delegates on-the-spot “discretionary” decisions about searches (“screening”) to private contractors at airports like SFO, and relies for its profiling (“prescreening” and “no-fly”) decisions on commercial data contained in airline Passenger Name Records (PNRs).

Now a request for proposals quietly posted by the TSA early this month among the “Federal Business Opportunities” at FBO.gov, and spotted by the ACLU, gives notice that the TSA is considering “Third Party Prescreening” of travelers: TSA contractors would decide in advance (secretly, of course, on the basis of secret dossiers from private data aggregators) which travelers would be “invited” to proceed through the less-intrusive-search “Pre-Check” security lanes, and which would be subjected to “ordinary”, more intrusive groping of their bodies, opening of carry-on baggage and belongings, interrogation, etc.

In effect, “Third Party Prescreening”, as the concept is defined in the TSA notice to would-be contractors, would replace probable cause with private profiling as the basis for determining who among us would be legally obligated, as a condition of the exercise of Constitutional civil liberties and internationally recognized human rights, to submit to exactly what degree of intrusiveness of search of our persons and property.

The by-invitation-only TSA “Pre-Check” profiling scheme is already entirely arbitrary, as travelers have discovered when they have tried to find out how to obtain an invitation to the less-mistrusted-traveler club or why they haven’t been invited. “Don’t call us, we’ll call you” if we want to invite you, say airlines and the TSA.  There are no publicly-disclosed substantive or procedural standards for invitation or inclusion.

“Third Party Prescreening” would extend that arbitrariness to advance decisions that particular travelers must submit to heightened “screening” (or are not to be allowed to proceed through lighter screening, which amounts to the same thing) before they will be “allowed” to exercise their right to travel.

Such a particularized decision, in advance, conditioning travel by a specific traveler on submission to a specific type or degree of intrusiveness of search is not what was contemplated in judicial decisions upholding “administrative” searches at airports.   Rather, this is the sort of search that the Constitution demands be justified by probable cause, as articulated to and approved by a judge.

Private contractors are not judges. Fitting the profile, based on a secret commercial dossier, as determined by a secret algorithm, is not probable cause. No “Third Party Prescreening” could create a lawful basis for a search, or for interference with the right to travel of those who decline to submit to such a search.